By Rebekah Lee
A key mechanism of apartheid in South Africa used to be the set of regulations put on the pursuits of Africans; particularly, African girls have been topic to lives of day-by-day surveillance and hugely regulated housing, employment and mobility. right here Lee explores the lives and tales of 3 generations of African girls in Cape city in the course of the apartheid (1948-94) and post-apartheid classes. via existence histories and a wealth of facts, Lee considers how African girls in a different way skilled apartheid, providing an intimate account in their makes an attempt to find "home" within the city environment. a few of the options of payment African girls crafted over 5 many years offer a compelling portrait of version, resilience and alter. Drawing jointly views from anthropology, background, human geography and improvement reports, African girls and Apartheid might be important to an individual with pursuits in South African tradition and society, gender, urbanization, the African kinfolk, oral heritage and reminiscence.
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Extra info for African Women and Apartheid: Migration and Settlement in Urban South Africa (International Library of African Studies, Volume 25)
Approximately half of this cohort were able to establish homes independently of their mothers, spread across other areas of Guguletu and other predominantly African settlements, such as Khayelitsha. Three respondents in this cohort never married, and of the ten that had married, three were widowed and two had remarried. This figure, however, needs to be considered in light of family patterns. It is clear that some families had a higher rate of marriage among their second-generational members, which affected the degree of marriage of selected respondents – five of Grace Madikane’s six children, for example, were married.
120 Second-generation women, born largely in the period of the harshest application of influx control measures, experienced a different relation to the pass system, and consequently developed a different perspective of its place in their life narratives. The majority of comments concerning the pass system were connected with police raids of the homes of their youth. Some, like Sylvia Valashiya’s, were framed in a humorous, almost nostalgic light: I was born in Retreat [in 1950], so we were still very young that time [around 1960] and one day we go and play outside with my friends.
From this experience, first-generation women forged a strong sense of their organizational power, which was put to use in other realms of their lives even after apartheid ended. Eunice Fuzile explained why women were currently at the forefront of participation in her local street committee and in local organizations generally: ‘during the time of the apartheid government, it was women who were strong. Because we were throwing the stones, we strike the policeman . . ’119 As we will see in chapter five, first-generation women’s vigorous and multilayered involvement in burial societies, rotating credit associations and church groups is a further manifestation of the abiding organizational strength harnessed through their participation in resistance campaigns.